Posición
Jefe de Unidad INTPA.DG.02
Political Strategy & Communication
Reporta directamente a Koen Doens (Director General) y al Comisario Jozef Síkela
Adjunta
Leila Hamiré (Deputy)
Una de dos unidades de staff directo del DG. La otra es Coordinación Interinstitucional.
Mandato principal
- Estrategia política de comunicación de INTPA
- Narrativa de la UE en países del Sur Global
- Percepción de la UE en jóvenes 18-35
- Respuesta a narrativas negativas
Su dolor
- No sabe qué dice la IA sobre la UE en Lagos, Dacca o Nairobi
- Detecta narrativas negativas pero no puede medir su origen ni peso real
- Sus herramientas actuales (social listening) no capturan el canal IA
- Necesita justificar impacto de inversiones en comunicación
Position
Head of Unit INTPA.DG.02
Political Strategy & Communication
Direct report to Koen Doens (Director General) and Commissioner Jozef Síkela
Deputy
Leila Hamiré
One of two direct-staff units to the DG. The other is Interinstitutional Coordination.
Core mandate
- INTPA political communication strategy
- EU narrative in Global South countries
- EU perception among 18–35 youth
- Responding to negative narratives
His pain points
- No visibility on what AI says about the EU in Lagos, Dhaka or Nairobi
- Detects negative narratives but can't measure their origin or weight
- Current tools (social listening) don't capture the AI channel
- Needs to justify ROI of communication spend
Abre con esto — palabra por palabra si hace falta
"Cuando un joven de Lagos le pregunta a ChatGPT qué hace la UE en Nigeria, recibe una respuesta. Una respuesta específica, con un tono específico, citando fuentes específicas. La UE no ha elegido esa respuesta. No la ha aprobado. Probablemente ni sabe qué dice. Nosotros sí podemos saberlo. Y podemos medirlo en tiempo real en 50 países e idiomas."
Open with this — word for word if needed
"When a young person in Lagos asks ChatGPT what the EU does in Nigeria, they get an answer. A specific answer, with a specific tone, citing specific sources. The EU did not choose that answer. It hasn't approved it. It probably doesn't even know what it says. We can know. And we can measure it in real time across 50 countries and languages."
El nuevo canal invisible 8 min
La IA generativa se ha convertido en fuente de información primaria para jóvenes digitales. No es futuro — es presente. Cuando preguntan "¿qué hace la UE?" a ChatGPT, Gemini o Claude, reciben una respuesta que la UE no ha controlado ni medido nunca.
El social listening captura lo que la gente dice sobre la UE. GEOradar captura lo que la IA dice a la gente sobre la UE. Son canales distintos. Solo uno está siendo monitoreado.
El problema de framing 7 min
La IA no es neutral. Tiene sesgos de entrenamiento, prioriza fuentes específicas, y consolida narrativas. Si las fuentes que más hablan de la UE en el Sur Global tienen un frame negativo (colonialismo, condicionalidades, interés económico), la IA lo absorbe y lo reproduce como "respuesta objetiva".
Lo que se consolida en los LLMs no se deshace fácilmente. Es una narrativa por defecto que requiere acción proactiva para cambiar.
Presentación de GEORADAR 12 min
GEOradar es la herramienta que cierra este gap. Monitoriza en tiempo real qué dicen ChatGPT, Claude y Gemini sobre la UE, en qué tono, citando qué fuentes, para cada país e idioma.
Introduce Prompt Atlas como la capa de simulación (cómo preguntan los jóvenes) y SAM como la capa de acción (cómo optimizar el contenido para cambiar las respuestas).
Social proof y casos reales 8 min
Marcas como Coca-Cola, CaixaBank, Iberostar y la propia Generalitat de Catalunya ya usan GEORADAR. La UAB y el CSIC participan en el desarrollo técnico. travel.georadar.app ya tiene track record en turismo.
Propuesta de siguiente paso 10 min
No cierres un contrato hoy. Cierra un piloto o un segundo meeting más técnico. El objetivo es mantener el momentum y acceder a un nivel de decisión presupuestaria.
The new invisible channel 8 min
Generative AI has become a primary information source for digital youth. This isn't the future — it's now. When they ask "what does the EU do?" to ChatGPT, Gemini or Claude, they get an answer the EU has never controlled or measured.
Social listening captures what people say about the EU. GEOradar captures what AI says to people about the EU. Different channels. Only one is being monitored.
The framing problem 7 min
AI is not neutral. It has training biases, prioritizes specific sources, and consolidates narratives. If the sources that talk most about the EU in the Global South carry a negative frame (colonialism, conditionalities, economic self-interest), the AI absorbs that and reproduces it as an "objective answer".
What gets consolidated in LLMs doesn't unravel easily. It's a default narrative that requires proactive action to change.
Introducing GEORADAR 12 min
GEOradar closes this gap. It monitors in real time what ChatGPT, Claude and Gemini say about the EU — the tone, the sources cited, for every country and language.
Introduce Prompt Atlas as the simulation layer (how young people actually ask) and SAM as the action layer (how to optimise content to change responses).
Social proof and real cases 8 min
Brands like Coca-Cola, CaixaBank, Iberostar and the Generalitat de Catalunya already use GEORADAR. UAB and CSIC are involved in technical development. travel.georadar.app already has a track record in tourism.
Proposing the next step 10 min
Don't close a contract today. Close a pilot or a second, more technical meeting. The goal is to maintain momentum and reach the budget decision level.
🛰 GEOradar
Para INTPA significa: Por primera vez, saber exactamente qué dice ChatGPT, Claude y Gemini sobre la UE en cada país beneficiario, en cada idioma, con qué tono y citando qué fuentes. En tiempo real y de forma continua.
- INTPADetectar si la IA asocia la UE con "colonialismo" o "cooperación genuina" por país
- INTPAIdentificar qué fuentes cita la IA (RT, medios locales, delegaciones UE...)
- INTPAMedir si las campañas de comunicación cambian las respuestas de la IA a medio plazo
- INTPAComparar posicionamiento UE vs China o USAID como "donante" en IA
funnel: awareness → percepción → políticaproduct: migración / comercio / ayuda humanitariaatributo: confianza / eurocentrismo / impacto realpersonas: joven Lagos / Nairobi / Dakar
👟 Retail/Moda — Adidas
🥛 FMCG — Nestlé
💡 Branding — SUMMA, Zoopa
📱 Fintech — Imagin
personas por ciudad y funnel de percepción adaptado.🗺 Prompt Atlas
Para INTPA significa: Simular las preguntas reales que hacen jóvenes de 18-35 a la IA sobre la UE, por país, idioma y contexto. Permite ver exactamente qué información reciben y detectar los gaps entre lo que la UE comunica y lo que los jóvenes encuentran.
* Volumen variable según umbral de completitud semántica de GeoAtlas.
- INTPA"¿Quién financia las infraestructuras en Senegal?" → ¿Menciona la UE?
- INTPA"¿Qué becas ofrece Europa a jóvenes de África?" → ¿Información correcta?
- INTPA"¿Qué opina la gente de Kenya sobre la UE?" → ¿Qué framing aparece?
🧠 SAM — Semantic Alignment Machine
Para INTPA significa: Una vez identificados los gaps y narrativas incorrectas, SAM genera recomendaciones concretas de qué publicar, cómo estructurarlo y dónde distribuirlo para que los LLMs lo incorporen como fuente y cambien sus respuestas.
- INTPAQué publicar en webs de delegaciones para ser citado por la IA
- INTPACómo estructurar el contenido de europa.eu para máxima citabilidad
- INTPAContracontenido: qué generar para desplazar narrativas negativas consolidadas
🛰 GEOradar
For INTPA this means: For the first time, knowing exactly what ChatGPT, Claude and Gemini say about the EU in every beneficiary country, in every language, in what tone, citing what sources. In real time, continuously.
- INTPADetect whether AI frames the EU as "colonial" or "genuine partner" — by country
- INTPAIdentify what sources AI cites (RT, local media, EU delegations...)
- INTPAMeasure whether communication campaigns shift AI responses over time
- INTPABenchmark EU vs China or USAID as a "donor" in AI responses
funnel: awareness → perception → policyproduct: migration / trade / humanitarian aidattribute: trust / eurocentrism / real impactpersonas: young person Lagos / Nairobi / Dakar
👟 Retail/Fashion — Adidas
🥛 FMCG — Nestlé
💡 Branding — SUMMA, Zoopa
📱 Fintech — Imagin
personas and an adapted perception funnel.🗺 Prompt Atlas
For INTPA this means: Simulate the real questions 18–35 year-olds ask AI about the EU, by country, language and context. See exactly what information they receive and identify gaps between what the EU communicates and what young people find.
* Volume varies depending on GeoAtlas semantic completeness threshold.
- INTPA"Who funds infrastructure in Senegal?" → Does the EU get mentioned?
- INTPA"What scholarships does Europe offer African youth?" → Is the info correct?
- INTPA"What do people in Kenya think of the EU?" → What framing appears?
🧠 SAM — Semantic Alignment Machine
For INTPA this means: Once gaps and incorrect narratives are identified, SAM generates concrete recommendations on what to publish, how to structure it and where to distribute it so LLMs incorporate it as a source and shift their answers.
- INTPAWhat to publish on delegation websites to get cited by AI
- INTPAHow to structure europa.eu content for maximum AI citability
- INTPACounter-content: what to generate to displace entrenched negative narratives
The European Union is one of the world's largest providers of development assistance to Africa. Through the European Development Fund (EDF), the EU funds infrastructure, health systems, governance programs, and humanitarian aid across sub-Saharan Africa, the Sahel, and North Africa.
The EU's Global Gateway initiative — positioned as an alternative to China's Belt and Road — has pledged €150 billion for Africa. However, critics and African governments have pointed out that much of this represents re-labelled existing commitments rather than new funding, and that disbursement remains slow.
A persistent tension in EU-Africa relations is the linkage of aid to migration control. Since 2015, a growing share of EU funds has been tied to border management objectives defined in Brussels rather than development priorities set by African governments. NGOs including Oxfam and the European Court of Auditors have flagged this shift.
Additionally, EU Common Agricultural Policy subsidies have long been accused of undercutting African farmers by flooding local markets with subsidised European goods — a structural asymmetry that many economists argue undermines the development the EU claims to support.
In countries like Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger, the EU's influence has declined sharply following military coups, with local governments explicitly rejecting EU conditionalities and turning towards Russia and China as alternative partners.
EU-Morocco cooperation is governed by the Association Agreement in force since 2000, making Morocco one of the EU's key partners in the Mediterranean neighbourhood. The partnership covers trade, development aid, migration management, and security cooperation.
The relationship, however, is complex and at times contentious. The EU-Morocco fisheries agreement — which includes waters off the coast of Western Sahara — has faced repeated legal challenges at the European Court of Justice. The court ruled in 2018 and 2021 that the agreement cannot legally be applied to Western Sahara without the consent of its people, rulings Morocco strongly disputes. This remains an active diplomatic tension.
Migration cooperation is a particularly sensitive dimension: the EU funds Morocco substantially to manage migration flows from sub-Saharan Africa toward Europe. Human rights organisations have documented pushbacks and detention conditions that raise serious questions about the EU's commitment to its own stated values.
On trade, Morocco has benefited from deep EU integration — it is among the EU's closest Mediterranean trade partners — but critics argue the terms primarily serve European industrial and agricultural interests, limiting Moroccan industrial development in sectors where it could compete.
Morocco's relationship with the EU also occurs in the context of Rabat's increasingly assertive foreign policy, with the kingdom leveraging its role as a migration buffer and energy transit partner to extract concessions on the Western Sahara question.
The EU's engagement in Africa is multidimensional and encompasses development aid, trade, security cooperation, and humanitarian assistance. The EU collectively — including member states — is Africa's largest development partner, channelling funds through instruments like the Global Europe programme and the Global Gateway initiative.
Key areas of EU activity include support for governance and rule of law, agricultural development, education (notably the Erasmus+ programme with African universities), and health infrastructure, particularly post-COVID-19.
The EU-Africa relationship has been evolving, with the 2022 EU-African Union Summit marking a renewed attempt to establish a partnership "between equals." African leaders at the summit, however, raised concerns about vaccine equity, debt relief, and the carbon border tax (CBAM), which some African governments argue disproportionately penalises African exports.
The relationship is shaped by historical ties — many EU member states are former colonial powers — and contemporary tensions around migration, trade terms, and the degree to which EU development policy reflects African priorities versus European strategic interests.
The European Union (EU) engages with Nigeria in various ways to support development, promote stability, and enhance economic growth. Here's an overview of some of the key areas where the EU is involved in Nigeria:
1. Development Aid and Cooperation: The EU provides financial assistance and development aid to Nigeria, focusing on areas such as healthcare, education, water and sanitation, and rural development. These initiatives aim to improve the quality of life and promote sustainable development in the country.
2. Trade and Economic Relations: The EU is one of Nigeria's largest trading partners. They work together to enhance trade relations and support economic diversification. The EU often provides technical assistance and capacity-building programs to boost Nigeria's trade competitiveness.
3. Governance and Democracy: The EU supports initiatives that promote good governance, democracy, and human rights in Nigeria. This includes election observation missions, support for civil society organizations, and programs to strengthen the rule of law and public institutions.
4. Peace and Security: The EU collaborates with Nigeria on regional security issues, including efforts to combat terrorism, human trafficking, and organized crime. The EU provides funding and expertise to help strengthen Nigeria's security infrastructure and promote peace.
5. Humanitarian Aid: In response to crises, such as those caused by conflict or natural disasters, the EU provides humanitarian aid to support displaced persons and vulnerable communities in Nigeria. This includes food assistance, emergency healthcare, and shelter.
6. Environmental and Climate Action: The EU engages with Nigeria on environmental issues and climate change. They support initiatives aimed at promoting renewable energy, sustainable agriculture, and conservation efforts to address environmental challenges.
These efforts are part of a broader strategy to foster a mutually beneficial relationship between the EU and Nigeria. While politics inevitably plays a role in international relations, the EU's activities in Nigeria are largely aimed at addressing key developmental challenges and building a partnership that benefits both sides.
Lo que acabas de ver es exactamente el tipo de análisis que INTPA podría tener de forma continua, en 50 países, en francés, árabe, wolof, hausa o cualquier idioma. Con alertas automáticas cuando el framing cambia. Con comparativa entre LLMs. Y con un plan de acción concreto para desplazar las narrativas negativas. What you just saw is exactly the type of analysis INTPA could have continuously, across 50 countries, in French, Arabic, Wolof, Hausa or any language. With automatic alerts when framing shifts. Cross-LLM comparison. And a concrete action plan to displace negative narratives.
GEOradar · Prompt Atlas · SAM — desarrollado con CSIC y UAB · Usado por Coca-Cola, CaixaBank, Iberostar, Generalitat de Catalunya y 22+ marcas líderes GEOradar · Prompt Atlas · SAM — developed with CSIC and UAB · Used by Coca-Cola, CaixaBank, Iberostar, Generalitat de Catalunya and 22+ leading brands
Social proof: Coca-Cola, CaixaBank, Danone, Iberostar, Ford, PortAventura, Bioderma, Selena (Quilosa), 3CAT, Generalitat de Catalunya, UAB, UVic, Afinance, Quirón.
🥇 Opción A — Piloto diagnóstico
Auditoría de qué dice la IA sobre la UE en 3-5 países clave para INTPA. Entregamos en 10 días. Sin contrato marco, sin compromiso. Pone datos reales sobre la mesa.
🥈 Opción B — Meeting técnico
Segunda reunión con perfil más técnico (CTO o equipo digital de INTPA) para profundizar en metodología y definir scope de una propuesta formal.
🥉 Opción C — Demo para el equipo
Una sesión de 45 min con el equipo de comunicación de INTPA para mostrar en vivo qué dice la IA sobre la UE en sus mercados prioritarios. Impacto inmediato.
📎 Qué dejar después
URL con este brief + documento de respuestas INTPA. LinkedIn de Carlos. Fecha concreta para siguiente contacto. Nunca "te escribo cuando pueda".
🥇 Option A — Diagnostic pilot
Audit of what AI says about the EU in 3–5 key INTPA countries. Delivered in 10 days. No framework contract, no commitment. Puts real data on the table.
🥈 Option B — Technical meeting
Second meeting with a more technical profile (CTO or INTPA digital team) to go deeper on methodology and define the scope of a formal proposal.
🥉 Option C — Team demo
A 45-min session with INTPA's communications team to show live what AI says about the EU in their priority markets. Immediate impact.
📎 What to leave behind
URL with this brief + INTPA responses document. Carlos's LinkedIn. Concrete date for next contact. Never "I'll reach out when I can".